The transformation of the curriculum in the Linking Worlds Dialogic Pedagogy

Dialogic Pedagogy of the "Linking Worlds" is characterized by forming community classrooms incorporating a diversity of community agents who join to transform the official school curriculum in Chilean public schools. The participatory action research we report in this article was developed in two of these classrooms, one in the cultural context of a mining community and the other in a rural cultural context. The action research project aimed to make their local cultures visible in the school curriculum. Our objective was to systematize the knowledge and practices of the people who are part of community classrooms and determine whether these contributions managed to challenge the official curriculum structure. We achieved our objective in a four-year study involving 76 participants in dialogical conversations and collective dialogues. Throughout the study, we collected audiovisual records. We identified two areas of knowledge and practices that transform the official curriculum: the corporeality-affectivity and community areas. In addition, it was possible to verify that although the themes nominally coincided, the curricular transformations differed depending on the local characteristics of each classroom. These local curricular transformations promote the advancement of dialogic pedagogy because in such decisions and through egalitarian dialogue, debates, disputes, etc., different participants’ voices are heard in each community classroom. In addition, these transformations keep the debate and interpretation of school curricular contents open. 1


Introduction and problem statement
In previous publications, classroom experiences with the Dialogic Pedagogy of Linking Worlds in Chile have been consistent with a polyphony of voices, including those of teachers, schoolchildren, mothers, grandmothers, artisans, and external and voluntary cultural/social agents (Del Pino & Ferrada, 2019;Ferrada, 2020), typical of the Bakhtinian pedagogy (Bakhtin, 1981). Also, these experiences of Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds include the idea of the emancipatory agency of people in their own contexts to achieve joint liberation processes, typical of Freirean dialogic pedagogy (Freire, 1970). These classroom spaces bring together a dialogue between people who are different from each other, not only in age, gender, level of education, etc., but above all in terms of academic training and the "ideological future" of each participant. Ideological becoming, according to Bakhtin (1981), is understood as the recognition of how personal knowledge is related to community knowledge and the unequal power structures that affect such interaction. On this count, Ward (1994) affirms that it is a concept of relational rather than personal knowledge that refers to an internal struggle with a discourse that is in part foreign and in part one's own. In the words of Bialotosky (1991), the ideological future is about assuming belonging not only in the community defined by the authority of a given scientific discipline, religion, or class and its language but in the entire community where those languages are in dispute within and between the voices of the speakers for whom they are internally persuasive.
From this understanding, in the Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds, the polyphonic groups that convene themselves to transform traditional classrooms into community classrooms enter a communicative interaction where the "mainstream" formal voices (teachers, academics, and university students) coexist with the voices of popular culture (mothers, grandmothers, and artisans) and schoolchildren's voices, who try to find communicating vessels between the popular voices of their own culture and the formal voices imposed by the school. Although all these voices also entail power structures anchored to the cultures of origin, gender, and ethnicity, that is, to the ideological evolution itself, these community classrooms try, through dialogic relationships, to transform these hierarchical relationships into symmetrical relationships A110 based on the full participation of each of their members in the pedagogical decisions. In this scenario, those who participate feel free to express, justify, argue, and negotiate knowledge and practices since they join in making curricular, didactic, and evaluative decisions in each of the participating classrooms. Thus, curricular decisions are related to the knowledge and practices they consider the most significant to be taught in those classrooms. Subsequently, the didactic decisions are related to how these knowledge and practices should or can be taught in the classroom. Therefore, the people who participate not only speak about it, but are part of the complete classroom's didactic process. Finally, the participants ' evaluative decisions consider the legitimacy and status of the knowledge and practices taught in the classroom, as well as what to evaluate and how. In this way, through decision-making and pedagogical actions, by the diverse agents in the community classroom, the Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds provides a public and political character to these educational issues.
From this scenario, and from a participatory perspective, two research communities (described in the Methodological Considerations) were formed in two Chilean schools with this type of experience. According to the research methodology assumed in this study, both communities problematized what knowledge and what practices are included in the community's school curriculum and whether the contextual differences have an impact. This questioning led to agreement on the objective of this research: to identify the knowledge and practices of the participants of Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds, in order to understand how they contribute to understanding of the specificity of their contexts.

Frame of reference
A review of the literature on dialogic pedagogy allows us to trace its origins back to the Socratic dialogues (almost 2,500 years ago; Matusov, 2009). Since the 20th century, the most influential references are to Mikhail Bakhtin and Paulo Freire. Currently, both authors inspire numerous variants of dialogic pedagogy, but how do contemporary researchers define dialogic pedagogy? Although the literature in this regard is vast, a glance at it allows us to visualize said conceptualization. According to Matusov (2009, p. 1) "pedagogy is always dialogic," because it implies dialogue in human interactions that seek to give meaning to their practices-meaning that, according to Allen (2000, p. 19), "dialogue is always dialogic", that is, its "sense and logic" always depend on "what has been said previously and how it will be received by others." Thus, "dialogic encounters are confrontations with contexts and society. They represent an exchange of elements (histories, stratifications, interpretations, and ideological positions) in the time and place in which they are created…they are unpredictably complex, alive and never neutral" (Arndt, 2017, pp. 909-912). Other authors even more descriptively affirm that a dialogue begins when the students think aloud about a concept, make a finding about a problem, are puzzled by a finding, etc. In this line, Resnick et al. (2015) affirm that the dialogic process occurs in the classroom when the students try to make their incipient ideas, questions, and half-formed explanations public, while others "take up the statements of their classmates: they question or clarify a claim, add their own questions, reason about a proposed solution, or offer a counterclaim or alternative explanation" (p. 6). In the words of Daniels (2012), it would be a pedagogy that consists of an infinite chain of questions and answers between students and teachers. Instead, for Snell and Lefstein (2018) it is a pedagogy that requires the following conditions: (a) students and teachers address authentic problems and both are agents in the joint construction of knowledge and in the negotiation of meanings; (b) students are empowered to express their voices, resulting in the interaction of multiple perspectives in the classroom; (c) students and teachers take an open and critical stance toward knowledge claims; and (d) the classroom community is characterized by being respectful, supportive, and affective and as having norms of inclusive and reciprocal participation (p. 42). Similarly, Alexander (2019) states that it is a democratic education that requires a critical commitment to four imperatives: language, voice, argument, and truth. In a similar line, Andal (2019) points out that it is about promoting critical thinking and the reevaluation of the dialogue conducted in each of the educational

A111
instances. Meanwhile, Kim and Wilkinson (2019, p. 70) state that it is "a pedagogical approach that capitalizes on the power of speech to promote student thinking, learning, and problem solving." De Lissovoy and Cook, (2020, p. 18) state that "dialogue is not simply a technique, a way of speaking, or even a value.
Rather, it is the indispensable enactment of dialogical intersubjectivity, an insistence on the possibility of mutual recognition, and it is a crucial interruption of violence in words and actions that deny relationship and emancipation." The influence of Bakhtin and Freire can be perceived in these definitions, although with differences in their respective nuances. As an example, the influence of Bakhtin's thought is clearly seen in the ideas of Matusov, Allen, Arnd, Daniels and Resnick et al. because  Another revealing aspect of the literature review corroborates the statement of Resnick et al. (2015) that there is growing evidence that dialogic pedagogy improves students' knowledge, understanding, and reasoning and that the benefits are sustained over time. This same idea is supported by authors such as Snell and Lefstein (2018), Daniels (2012), Alexander (2019), and Hardman (2019) when they affirm that dialogic pedagogy represents an effective proposal to improve the teaching-learning processes. In effect, Alexander (2018) showed that after 20 weeks of dialogic teaching, the students in the intervention group were two months ahead of their peers in the control group in tests of English, Mathematics, and Science.
Research on dialogic pedagogy also confirms other important findings, such as "changes in pedagogical practices and higher levels of student participation in the classroom" (Hardman, 2019, p. 12); development of critical thinking skills (Fulmer & Turner, 2014;Marks, 2000); "creation of a math-positive learning environment" (Parr et al., 2019, p. 655); "the creative co-construction of ideas in the geography subject" (Cook et al., 2019, p. 217); "the promotion of student conversations with a significant dialogical component and high frequency of elaborate and reasoned talk" (Vrikki et al., 2019, p. 85); "relationship networks that favor the articulation of operational learning processes with subjective development processes" (Martins-do-Carmo-de-Oliveira & Massot-Madeira-Coelho, 2020, p. 116); "an intensified pedagogy of cultural sensitivity, collaboration, and dialogism has resulted in notably greater and more responsive engagement on the part of students with reading, writing, and listening comprehension (Mendelowitz & Lazar, 2020, p. 38); and finally, that dialogic pedagogy "has the power to break the cycle of low demand/low performance that is too often experienced by children from disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds, children belonging to ethnic minorities, and/or those who do not master the dominant language" (Resnick et al., 2015, p. 5).
Finally, previous research on Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds has revealed that it substantially improves learning outcomes in Language, Mathematics, English, Biology, and History (Astorga, 2017;Ferrada, 2014;George-Nascimento, 2015;Riquelme, 2013). These findings are consistent with those of Alexander (2018) and Hardman (2019), with improvements also observed in low-performing students and in a context of high vulnerability, in accordance with what was found by Resnick et al. (2015). Other studies have concluded that it strengthens projects with a collective sense, favors relationships that equalize positions of power among its participants (Ferrada, 2020;Ferrada & Del Pino, 2021), and promotes polyphonic classrooms that integrate people, school cultures, and indigenous worldviews in participatory parity with the dominant culture (Del Pino & Ferrada, 2019;Ferrada, Jara and Seguel, 2021). It also favors the creation of affective environments that positively predispose students to learning (Ferrada, 2009), findings that agree with those of Parr et al. (2019) and Mendelowitz and Lazar (2020).

Background of Dialogic Pedagogy in Chile
In 2005, a social movement was formed to promote dialogic pedagogy as a response to the profound educational inequalities of the Chilean public education system. This group is comprised of people from diverse academic, cultural, ethnic, gender, age, etc. backgrounds. Among them are mothers, grandmothers, schoolchildren, professionals, researchers, artisans, indigenous and non-indigenous people, etc. This group called itself Linking Worlds, and therefore the pedagogy adopted the name of Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds. This movement began with the practice of dialogic pedagogy in a single school; however, today, more than 60 experiences have been documented throughout the country. Some of the founders of this movement are the authors of this text. The lead author is a university researcher and the founder of the movement; the second and third authors are classroom teachers who implement the Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds in their schools.
The authors of this text, throughout these almost two decades of the movement, have been, at times, apprentices and practitioners of the Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds. From this context, it should be noted that both the researcher and the teachers permanently rethink the theoretical assumptions from their own experiences in these community classrooms, together with the daily task of the struggle to break the power relations between the people who participate in these dialogic classrooms who come from a diversity of cultural, ethnic, social, academic, generational contexts, etc. Another remarkable learning is that the cultures of the communities in which the schools are located (peasant, mining, fishing), previously absent from the school curriculum, after the experiences with Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds are made visible and seek to equate status with the official school culture.

Methodological considerations
In full correspondence with the nature of the experiences of the Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds, this study opted for a participatory research paradigm (Gayá Wicks & Reason, 2009;Guba & Lincoln, 2012;Heron & Reason, 1997). Accordingly, the methodology chosen was the Dialogic-kishu kimkelay ta che educational research (Ferrada & Del Pino, 2018;Ferrada, 2017;Ferrada et al., 2014). This is a type of participatory action research that not only seeks to value dialogue as a source of the construction of knowledge but also to recover people's historical legacy, as reflected in the expression kishu kimkelay ta che, which, in the Mapuche language, 2 means "no one learns alone," no one knows reality by themselves, but rather with others and from the historical legacy of their ancestors. This methodology has as its main focus the construction of knowledge, the leveling of epistemic hierarchies between researchers and those being researched, and a configuration of an equality of positions between participants based on the assumption that each one contributes from their own expertise, whether from their own life experience and wisdom and/or from academic training. This requires accepting that their contributions may be criticized by the other participants (Habermas, 1987). To account for this epistemic leveling, research communities are built, understanding them as a group that decides what, how, and why to investigate, and constituted by both formal researchers and a diversity of agents who participate in community transformation processes without previous research training, all of whom voluntarily and freely decide to participate .
From this perspective, this study established two research communities in two Chilean public schools that develop community classroom experiences through Dialogic Pedagogy Linking Worlds. The first research community, located geographically in the north-central zone of the country and characterized by high rurality, was comprised of 15 members; but it was 25 people in total that were considered in their study (Table 1). This research community is located in a single-teacher public school with a total enrollment 2 Language of the indigenous people with the largest population in Chile, present in the study area A113 of 9 students, hereafter called the "peasant community." The second research community, geographically located in the south-central zone of the country and characterized by a recent past focus on a coal mine on the Pacific Ocean's coastal edge, comprised 14 members, who considered a community classroom consisting of 51 people in total in their study (Table 1). This research community is contextualized in a public school located in a highly urbanized area with an enrollment of close to 1000 students, hereafter called the "mining community." Both classrooms officially "work" with the plans and study programs established in the national curriculum, that is, they do not have their own plans and programs approved by the state. This is relevant since the curricular transformations they carry out persist through time due to the praxis of their groups and not by official decrees-so much so, indeed, that the peasant classroom has been in existence for 6 years and the mining classroom has 12 years of experience in Linking Worlds Dialogic Pedagogy.
Both research communities agreed to use the Dialogic-kishu kimkelay ta che as a knowledge construction methodology, known as collective dialogues and dialogic conversation, in addition to audiovisual records (Table 1). Collective dialogues consist of conversations between different people who are considered key in a particular topic and from which a collective interpretation of the subject of study is generated after considering all the arguments raised (Ferrada, 2017). On the other hand, dialogic conversation refers to a dialogue between two people on a topic considered by the group as needing further investigation, whose arguments would likely be challenged by other arguments considered more meaningful in and of themselves. In the case of the audiovisual records evidenced two key events, the first corresponding to the preparation of the classes, a space in which the entire group (teacher, mothers, grandmothers, artisans, etc.) decides what to teach (they debate and propose topics contained in the official curriculum and topics of local culture, etc.) and how to teach it (they select and prepare activities and teaching materials); the second corresponds to the development of the classes by the same group that prepares them, bringing these community classrooms to life. All these procedures were conducted for four years, were recorded and transcribed, and then analyzed by each research community identifying the knowledge and actions contained in them. For A114 analytical purposes, it was agreed among all the participants to understand the category knowledge as being comprised of all those opinions and arguments from which to identify thematic nodes (axes) previously considered to be taught and/or included spontaneously in the development of the classes. Furthermore, the category practice was comprised of the observed practices and/or those narrated by people when they participated in the community classroom. Once knowledge and practices were identified, they were organized into matrixes of categories according to the similarities and differences between them and prior agreement between both research communities (peasant and mining). The same participants raised the categories from the review of the transcripts and selected the most representative fragments of each of them, given the large amount of material collected. As support for the analysis and organization of information, we worked with the qualitative analysis program NVIVO 12.0. Finally, each research community held three annual work sessions (9 in total during the 4 years) to validate the findings with all the members of each community classroom studied.
The coding used in the data was A: Grandmother; M: Mother; Ar: Artisan; D: Teacher; S: student; RA: Audiovisual record; CD: dialogic conversation and DC: collective dialogue. In addition, it should be noted that all ethical safeguards were conducted through informed consent and assent.
Finally, ethical safeguards were applied, signing informed assents and consents by each of the participants involved in this study. In terms of limitations, this study considers only two community classrooms out of a universe of more than sixty present in the country. This limitation is due to the type of participatory research performed, whose demands consider, among others, the extended time (in this case, four years), the establishment of trust, the permanent disposition to self-criticism, and the formation of collectives mobilized by change in the school. Similar studies are currently underway in eight other community classrooms.

Results
The research communities organized the results into two areas. The first, called corporealityaffectivity knowledge, and the second, cultural knowledge.

Corporeality-affectivity knowledge and practices built by the peasant and mining research communities.
The corporeality-affectivity knowledge corresponds to all those knowledge and actions of affectivity and human development that enter the community classroom because of the contributions made by the people who form them (children, teachers, grandmothers, mothers, artisans, etc.) and that are not previously present in the official curriculum. They are dialogic because they are the result of processes of discussion, debate, argumentation, and permanent revision by the collective. As such, they are always open to new interpretations. The research communities found both knowledge and actions present in the two community classrooms, each with six theme nodes, 5 of which were shared and 1 different (Figure 1). In general, analytical terms, the incorporation of this type of knowledge and practice implies a curricular transformation because they were not present prior to the formation of the community classroom.
The common nodes found were a) body care, b) containment and emotional support among the entire participating group, c) inclusion of differences, d) emotion as the basis of teaching, and e) gestures as a story. On the other hand, there are differences between these classrooms: the peasant community classroom is characterized by the body-mind relationship node, and the mining classroom by the incorporation of home practices into the learning space. These nodes highlight the specificity of each educational project built by distinct groups in different contexts.  In specific terms of analysis, the research communities manage to demonstrate that each community classroom follows its own orientations and particularities, even in the common theme nodes (Table 2). Among the common nodes, we find body care, and it is interesting that the peasant classroom addresses it transversally by means of formal curriculum workshops (yoga, nutrition, and sports) focused on knowledge and practices that seek body-mind harmony, and based on training schoolchildren in quality nutrition, biology of the body, and appropriate ways to achieve states of muscle relaxation. Conversely, for the mining classroom, body care is present as an emerging content within the pedagogical work, with a focus, on the one hand, on advice on the need for a healthy diet, and on the other, on the safeguards that schoolchildren must maintain regarding their own bodies against the potential threats that they may be exposed to. "… We insist on the importance of a healthy diet, that junk food can make them sick" (CD-M5); "…they learn to take care of their body from possible abuse, from violence against them" (CD-M7) (CD-E2); "Every day someone arrives sad, we hug, listen, and contain them, and soon after they are integrated and happy with the others" (CD-D2); "I have had bad times at home, but the teacher has helped me so much" (CD-M5). "She was lonely when she arrived, she was shy, she didn't speak!!, and now she talks a lot! That's good, that's good!" (AR-4).

Inclusion of each participant's differences
Naturalness is observed in the relationships between neurotypical participants with respect to those who are not (RA-4,7,10). Sports activities are observed without distinction of gender (RA-8). Culinary activities are observed without distinction of gender, age, or education (RA-6).
"This classroom presents many girls and boys with special educational needs (SEN), but here we make no difference" (CD-D2).
Integration is observed without distinction of treatment between neurotypical schoolchildren and those with SEN (RA-12, 14, 23).

Basic emotion of teaching
"… work begins by connecting with everyone's emotions, which is channeled with yoga" (CD-D1). "…the first thing we consider before starting work is what state of mind they arrived in" (CD-M3).
"Every day we talk with them about their emotions before starting the class" (CD-D2). It is observed that boys and girls express their emotions as part of the content (RA-7)

Gesture as a classroom story
The use of gestures and motor demonstrations is observed when learning clay work (RA-2). The use of gestures and motor demonstrations is observed when learning how to weave coirón (RA-5). Use of gestures is observed when learning cooking recipes (RA-14).
A lot of gesticulation is observed in the creation of stories by mothers and schoolchildren (RA-17).
It is observed that they use gestures to remember a norm, commitment, or contribution and to solve mathematical calculations (RA-32). "M. Why do you like moms to come? E2: Because they tell us stories. E5: And they ask us questions. E21: Because my mom takes care of me and my siblings. E30: And she gives us affection" (DC-E).

Not observed
Inclusion of a daily breakfast for boys and girls as a practice of social integration and camaraderie between schoolchildren, teachers, and mothers (RA-21). Maintenance of medicinal herbs in the classroom to treat minor ailments of students (RA-2).

Mind-body relationship
Inclusion of a yoga workshop with daily practice at the beginning of the day (RA-3). "We include yoga as a form of healing, a form of stress management for children, as a practice of mind-body relationship" (CD-D1).

Not observed
The containment and emotional support among the participants as relational practices (actions) constitute the main space of emotional socialization for the schoolchildren, as well as for the collaborators in both classrooms. Schoolchildren themselves and the other people of the community that form the community classroom expressed, interpreted, re-signified, etc., these themes. In the opinion of the research communities, it is equal rights among the voices of the minors and adults in decision making dialoguesthat gives the dialogic character to this curricular change. In the peasant classroom, the school's external support network stands out as capable of mobilizing numerous institutions to meet the needs of any of its students, as well as the internal support network that welcomes and integrates the newly enrolled students who previously experienced failures. The mining classroom, on the one hand, is configured as a space for the protection and care of children, with a strong role in dealing with the schoolchildren's affective deficiencies, and on the other, it constitutes a support for the relief and orientation of their mothers. Both classrooms play a fundamental role in containment and emotional support for the community as a whole.
The inclusion of the participants' differences is another node that is expressed as a relational practice (action), that is, it is observed in the participants' social relationships, although it can be appreciated that the inclusion in the classrooms is not something explicit, but rather it is part of the naturalness of the relationships. Whereas in the peasant classroom, the inclusion of diversity in gender, age, level of education, and special educational needs was evidenced, in the mining classroom, the naturalness of integration of children with special educational needs is highly remarkable since the classroom has a high percentage of students with such a diagnosis (30.6%).
Emotion as the basis of teaching constitutes another relational practice found in both classrooms. The peasant classroom focuses on the consideration of the emotional state of the schoolchildren at the beginning of the pedagogical work, while the mining classroom applies emotion as a constant in all developed activities, forming a determining base of the social relations maintained by those who participate in this group.
The last node shared between both classrooms is gestures as a classroom story, which is widely observed in the mining classroom. The mothers bring this type of language and use it as a daily form of communication with schoolchildren during the activities programmed by themselves, such as puppets and immitation, to express states of mind, concepts, and behavior regulation. On the other hand, in the peasant classroom, gestures and manual demonstrations are present mainly in the craft and gastronomy workshops; both activities take place outside the school, either in the homes of grandmothers or mothers who teach their recipes or in the participating artisans ' workshops. Consequently, in both cases this language enriches communication, and is a contribution of the people who enter these classrooms and who bring with them their own knowledge and practices.
Finally, the nodes that are specific to each classroom are characterized by becoming formal curriculum activities, that is, they occupy spaces and times in the official curriculum. In the case of the mining classroom, a breakfast financed by the teacher, mothers, and grandmothers that make up this community is integrated into the daily curricular activities, introducing daily home practices in the classroom, In short, it is a period in which one tries to build a space for an open and sincere dialogue among everyone while at the same time planning the activities of that day. In the case of the peasant classroom, the yoga workshop is integrated into the school curriculum, also as a daily practice that aims at a comprehensive self-understanding of people through the body-mind connection awareness, as a way out of the traditional mind-body separation characteristic to the Western thought. This workshop is incorporated into the curriculum as a result of the diagnosis of the relationship between the school and the community, in which, in the words of its teacher, "the relationship between the school and the community was damaged, the community did not want to know anything about the school, nor the school about the community, there was also a lot of stress, lack of emotion management, and failure to communicate between people" (CD-D1).

Cultural knowledge and practices included in the school curriculum of the community classrooms
Cultural knowledge corresponds to all knowledge and actions that enter the school curriculum that are typical of the local culture in which the community classrooms are located. These are contributions of the people who form these classrooms (children, teachers, grandmothers, mothers, artisans, etc.) that were not previously present in the official curriculum. They are dialogic because they are the result of the discussion, debate, argumentation, and permanent revision by the community classroom as a whole. As such, they are always open to new interpretations.
The research communities found both knowledge and actions present in the two community classrooms. In the peasant classroom, five theme nodes were identified, and in the mining classroom, four, one common to them and the others different ( Figure 2). In general analytical terms, the incorporation of this type of knowledge and practice implies a curricular transformation that is expressed in the theme nodes found in both classrooms. The only common node for the two communities was animal care. In the peasant community classroom, the nodes that differed were horticultural practices, local gastronomy, peasant customs, traditions, and local crafts, while in the mining classroom, they were mining culture, local green market, and religious rites.

Figure 2. Knowledge and cultural activities of the community in the school curriculum
A more specific analysis of the nodes allows us to clearly identify the particularities of each of these classrooms, even in the nodes they share (Table 3). Animal care, in the case of the mining classroom, is limited to the care and responsible ownership of pets from activities created by mothers to strengthen these values in schoolchildren. However, in the case of the peasant classroom, pet care is a daily practice at school since they have one. The schoolchildren take turns taking home the pet for a period of a week and fulfilling the basic needs of feeding, caring for, and loving the animal. In addition, the participants frequently go on excursions to the countryside, where they interact with domestic animals and livestock and get to know more about the animals from the locals as experiential knowledge, allowing them to distinguish working animals from those for food and companionship. It is observed that schoolchildren and adults from the community explore the countryside and interact with domestic animals, livestock, and their young (dogs, cats, chickens, horses, pigs, cows). Adults teach schoolchildren how to approach, pet, and feed them (AK-3-6). "W: Go very quietly and approach it, in silence [the foal]. She was born on Sunday morning, be careful, the mare can kick her" (RA-6). "The children have a rabbit, it is a pet, they take turns every week to take it home and take care of it, feed it, provide affection, and bring it back in perfect condition. Because the values they must achieve have to be demonstrated in their actions" (CD-D1).
Mothers schedule an activity to make schoolchildren aware of the care and responsibility of owning pets (RA-12). "M4: I am going to tell you why responsibility with pets is necessary, the benefits that having a pet in the house also brings, especially for children. D2: Do you think so? M2: Here in Lota we have another issue, we see dogs and cats that roam, abandoned, especially at the fair. M4: So, it is important that children know that if they have animals at home, they have to feed them, vaccinate them, clean them, take care of them, take responsibility" (RA-8) In this way, the animal care node in the case of the mining classroom is categorized as one of knowledge, since it is limited to the activities that the mothers prepare to develop values linked to responsible ownership. On the other hand, in the case of the peasant classroom, it is categorized as both knowledge and practice, first, because caring for animals is a permanent programmed activity (knowledge) that involves the experience of caring for a pet (action); and second, because it is configured as an emergent (knowledge) and experiential (action) curriculum during field trips carried out by schoolchildren.

The cultural knowledge and practices of the peasant classroom
Undoubtedly, the rural context of this classroom is decisive in the knowledge and practices that are incorporated into the school curriculum (Table 4), on the one hand through the inclusion of formal activities within the study plan, as well as two workshops: gastronomy and crafts, and programmed activities in coordination with other educational institutions that recover peasant customs and traditions; and on the other hand, through the spontaneous and valuable emerging knowledge of horticultural practices, promoting the permanent interaction of schoolchildren with relatives and neighbors dedicated to horticulture.

[Dialogues in the homes of grandmothers and mothers]
"A: …now we are going to need some peppers to flavor it, and also coriander, who knows chili? who knows coriander? Students: Me, me. A: Go find them in the garden, open the door carefully. E3: How long do the peppers take to be ready to eat? A: They need to be planted first, in August, we plant them here, then they are transplanted to fertilized soil, watered almost every day, then you monitor them. E2: And now they are ready to eat, right? A. Yes, these are the first ones, later there will be many more. E4: In my house we plant tomatoes. A: We plant them here too, and do you know how it's done? E4: Yes, I learned from my mom, she taught me. A: Let's see, tell us how is it done? E4: You look for the best plants, the largest ones, a hole is made in the fertilized soil, and it is planted and then watered. A. That's it! E6: I also know how to sow. E1: I do not yet, I'm just learning" (RA-4).

A121
Local gastronomy and its concepts "We included a local gastronomy workshop led by mothers and grandmothers from the community aimed at rescuing traditional recipes typical of the peasant culture. The workshop is held in their homes" (CD-D1). Local crafts [Dialogues in craft workshops] "Ar: If you want to make a little glass, you have to do something like this and put the thumb in the middle here to start enlarging it like this, so that a glass will be formed. M: It will be easier to do it there. Ar: Sure, that's a plaster cast. E5: What is that? Ar: It is a mold to work the clay, they are made of silicone. This little turtle mold is made like this, you pour the clay on it, and it expands, my idea is to let your imagination run wild and work with your little hand... Do you want a spoon? make it like this, use the finger to create the shape. E3: It's good…Ar: The clay needs to be cooked, the fire is put over here, the wood is added, over here, look, the oven is loaded over there" (RA-5).

National and Latin
American festivities "The festivities typical of the peasant community are now celebrated at school, for example, typical games, such as hopscotch, wrestling, sack race, as well as national holidays. Everything is organized by time, the community sees the school as one more space that belongs to them" (CD-D1).
The schools belonging to the network of rural schools of the commune also join the peasant community classroom initiative and develop a series of coordinated activities, such as national dance meetings and Latin American dances (RA-21).
In the first node, incorporation of knowledge and horticultural practices in the peasant classroom's school curriculum, emerging knowledge, and practices is observed in the context of the local gastronomy workshop, since the ingredients required to prepare a recipe are grown by the teaching grandmother

A122
herself. In the interactions, it is evident that the grandmother spontaneously asks the schoolchildren to recognize aromatic herbs and vegetables, and when they respond they are then asked about their cultivation. The grandmother initiates a dialogue where she provides information about the crop and the schoolchildren, but also uses the question to prompt girls and boys to share what they know about it. This is conducted in an environment of dialogue free of pressure and attending to the schoolchildren's curiosity about the emerging theme.
In the second node, unlike the first -incorporation of local gastronomy and its concepts into the school curriculum-this is part of the curricular transformation implemented by this classroom, since it is a formal workshop included in the study plan. This workshop, on the one hand, focuses on specific home practices (actions) that mothers or grandmothers share, such as ways of kneading and molding, times, sequence and characteristics of the ingredients; and on the other hand, on what happens back in the classroom, where the aim is to recover and systematize the knowledge and practices thought at home. This is based on linking the knowledge, as shown in the example record in Table 4, namely, by constructing vocabulary based on what the schoolchildren know and validating it by means of official dictionaries so that they build a new definition incorporating both sources of information; thus, there are no previous fixed conceptualizations, and the dialogical character is clearly recognized.
The third node has the same character as the second, corresponding to the classroom's curricular transformation workshops. In this way, the incorporation of the local craft theme node focuses mainly on the teaching and learning process that the schoolchildren develop in the workshops of the artisans who participate in the community classroom. It is the artisans who assume the teaching role in this workshop, and the schoolchildren learn the art of weaving and clay from lived experiences, whose practice implies the free creation of the craft they choose: There is not a single product or mold to use, but instead their imagination is promoted.
The fourth and last node, incorporation of national and Latin American celebrations, can be classified as extracurricular activities, because although they have not been formalized as part of the school curriculum, they are part of the formally programmed activities with school time dedicated to them; that is, they also achieve a curricular status, although with less impact than the previous ones since they are sporadic.

The cultural knowledge and practices of the mining classroom
In the mining classroom, three theme nodes are characteristic, namely, the mining culture, the folk culture, and the religious rites included in the school curriculum (Table 5). In general terms, the first two theme nodes are categorized as emerging curriculum, since they are not formally included in the school curriculum and their presence depends on the proposals made by mothers and grandmothers in their classroom interventions, while the third-religious rites-is not a formal activity in the school curriculum but is rather a practice established at the beginning of each school day; therefore, it is not an emerging curriculum. it was due to the gas from the mine that kills the miners, so they knew they shouldn't be around. M. Yes, because if they stayed in the mine, they would die, so they had to run as fast as possible." "M5…any town may want to be like us, we are a fighting town, we know the history of the miners, how they worked, how many of them died young. I am going to tell you my experience, I lived in Pavilion 83, which is now a monument. M2. The House of Culture. M5. Yes, I lived in that pavilion, my husband was a miner, so that pavilion had three floors. When I came to live there, a visitor came, we were newlyweds, the first time forming a family and they told me that the bunnies that I had were pretty, and I had a son, I had no pets, nothing. They were the huarencitos [large mice] that were in the pavilion, then the cats were the salvation, all the "bunnies" left because the cats came to the house. In the pavilions there were always rodents. A2: The cat, apart from being a companion, helps to clean the ecosystem. Well, if there were no rodents, the food chain would end, and the cats would not be able to live" (RA-3). "Every morning a prayer is said here by a mother or a child, because their religion is very important to them, and that is respected here, just as in other aspects, such as the family culture which is also present, life around the coal mine and the fair" (CD-D2). "…we ask for the health of all, of the children, of the families. It is reinforced in what we believe, because we are believers" (CD-M5).
The first node of the mining culture focuses on the assessment of the living and recent history of the city's mining past. In the example, the role of the animals in the work of the mine is crucial, since the lives of the miners depended on them, on the one hand, and because the role that animals play in maintaining the ecosystem stands out as a complementary meaning tied to the domestic and work experience of families, on the other. From this perspective, it is also observed that in the grandmothers' stories the different pieces of knowledge are fully integrated with each other.

A124
In the second node, folk culture, the first dialogue reinforces the contribution of mothers and grandmothers in the classroom on caring for animals and their role in the ecosystem, also found in the previous node. In the second dialogue, the mathematical application made by schoolchildren regarding the introduction offered by the mother is particularly interesting. The experience of these boys and girls at the fair allows them to compare their own knowledge of economic transactions with that of the basic mathematical operations that they develop at school, highlighting the capability of calculating a change by extrapolating their knowledge to much higher numbers than those expected of them at the second-grade level: "Count numbers from 0 to 1,000" (Mineduc, 2018, p. 231).
In the third and last node, the incorporation of the families ' religious rites by saying a prayer in the classroom every morning as the first action reflects the strength of belonging to the religious community. In addition, it reveals the position of the teacher regarding the importance of incorporating practices of this nature and emulating it with other cultural aspects, especially since it is a public and secular school.

Discussion and conclusions
The research communities manage to verify that the curricular changes happen at various levels, while in the mining classroom, there is no formal curricular intervention, in the peasant classroom, it is possible to modify the curriculum. The curricular transformation seems deeper in the peasant classroom than in the mining classroom due to the formal character it acquires within the school curriculum (yoga, crafts, gastronomy, and nutrition workshops). However, the mining classroom has managed to maintain itself for more than a decade based on the emerging curriculum not formalized in the school curriculum, which mothers and grandmothers maintain by regularly participating in curriculum design and development (preparing and developing the curriculum permanently in the classroom. From this perspective, the curricular transformation offers different paths from which to dispute the pre-established knowledge of the official curriculum with the local knowledge carried by the members themselves who mobilize the changes. Thus, the peasant classroom mobilizes to modify both the structure of the curriculum (adding four workshops) as well as its contents (body care, mind-body relationship, inclusion of differences, gastronomy, horticulture, crafts and peasant customs and traditions). On the other hand, the mining classroom focuses its action only on changes in content (body-mind relationship, home practices in the classroom, containment and emotional support, body gestures, mining culture, local market, and religious rites) This finding problematized the following questions. Which of these transformative processes of the curriculum was more profound? Does the change in the curricular structure and contents promote higher status and visibility of local cultures? or, Can the change in contents beyond the structure of the curriculum promote the pursued curricular territorialization? The research communities do not yet resolve these questions. This, which could also be a limitation of the study, maintains the dialogical character sought. We believe that these differences between both classrooms constitute complex, living and never neutral emancipation processes, coinciding with the approach of De Lissovoy & Cook, (2020).
On the other hand, the liberating and emancipatory character of the dialogic pedagogy of these community classrooms seems clear, especially at the curricular level, but how dialogical can they be? According to Resnick et al. (2015), Allen (2000) and Matusov (2009) one of the most distinctive characteristics of this type of pedagogy would be that, in a community of learners and teachers, there would be bewilderment, novelty and surprise in the face of a meaning that is constructed in common. This seems to be reflected very well in the peasant classroom, in its gastronomy and craft workshops, because these areas are open to build new, creative and unexpected meanings, there is no fixed place or predetermined A125 objective to reach, but it opens to the surprise that the dialogue brings (Craft workshop: "I prefer that they let their imagination fly and make their own creation") In the mining classroom, this is also observed with the emergence of the free-market fairs culture and in the mining culture (advanced mathematical processes due to the knowledge of the fairs; valuing of the care of animals linked to the culture of survival of the mine). These records can also be good examples of the concept of ideological becoming proposed by Bakhtin (1981) and the idea of liberation proposed by Freire (1970); regarding the ideological becoming, because it positions personal knowledge (imagination, creation, etc.) with the knowledge of communities (mathematics applied at the fair) and unequal power structures (animal-miner relationship); regarding liberation, because it positions the person in its local reality (mining culture, peasant culture) to "read" the world (subalternity of mining and peasant cultures versus hegemonic culture).
Similarly, Arndt (2017) argues that dialogic encounters are an exchange of stories (grandmothers who recover the recent history of the mine in the mining classroom and artisans who recover ancestral practices in the peasant classroom) in the time and place in which they are built (re-signified, reinterpreted in the present). For Mendelowitz & Lazar (2020), dialogicity in the classroom is characterized by its high cultural sensitivity, collaboration, and receptive commitment on the part of students. In the case of the mining and peasant classrooms, it is like the field of corporeal affective knowledge and actions that denote a sensitive, caring, and protective education of childhood expressed in the nodes of body-mind relationship, emotion-affectivity, care-protection, and support-collaboration. However, these classrooms are not limited to the students' experiences. They also include the entire community that participates in them (grandmothers, artisans, mothers, teachers, etc.), that is, they express the polyphonic character (Bakhtin, 1981). In this same line, the nodes of containment and emotional support, affectivity and welcome between mothers/grandmother-schoolchildren, and harmonious relationship body-mind-emotionality-nature coincide with what was proposed by Martins-do-Carmo-de-Oliveira & Massot-Madeira-Coelho (2020), when they affirm that the networks of relationships of a dialogic classroom can articulate operational processes of learning with subjective processes.
However, continuing with the question of how dialogical these community classrooms can be, the nodes of national festivities in the peasant classroom and the religious rites in the mining classroom are powerful symbols of the local identity of those who form the community classroom and seem to be the most difficult areas to find dialogicity. These symbols of identity are not open to novel and surprising interpretations in terms of the demands of dialogic pedagogy. Rather, these nodes seek the conservation of meanings that embody traditional values that these groups find fundamental to maintain. It should be noted that this research does not intend to conclude on the levels of depth reached by dialogicity in these community classrooms, for which a study that addresses this aspect is necessary.
Finally, we believe that the main lesson learned is related to the possibility that these research communities, being composed mostly of people from the community itself, are themselves who put in knowledge, debate, and criticize their own culture. Therefore, they go from a stagnant culture to a culture of dynamic change. These experiences of dialogic community classrooms allow the possibility of making visible the forgotten local cultures in the official school curriculum, while they also allow a new reading about themselves in the light of new reinterpretations and resignifications, only limited by those who form the community of co-authors.